...Once you say one true thing and stick with it, all kinds of other true things occur to you. The truth is contagious. Lying is, but the truth is as well. And the second you decide to tell the truth about something, you are filled with this, I don't want to get supernatural on you, but you are filled with this power from somewhere else.

Try it. Tell the truth about something. You feel it every day. The more you tell the truth, the stronger you become. That's completely real. It's measurable in the way that you feel.

And of course, the opposite is also true. The more you lie, the weaker and more terrified you become. We all know that feeling. You lie about something, and all of a sudden, you're a prisoner of that lie. You are diminished by it. You are weak and afraid.

Drug and alcohol use is the same way. It makes you weak and afraid. But you look around, and you see these people, and some of them really have paid a heavy price for telling the truth. And they are cast out of their groups, whatever those groups are, but they do it anyway.

And I look on at those people with the deepest possible admiration. I am paid to do that. I face no penalty. Someone came up to me [and said,] "You're so brave." Really? I'm a talk-show host. It's like I give any opinion I want. That's my job. That's why they pay me.

It's not brave to tell the truth on a cable news show. And if you're not doing that, you're really an idiot. You're really craven. You're lying on television. Why would you do that? You're literally making a living to say what you think and you can't even do that. Please.

But how about if you're a senior vice president at Citibank? I'm serious. At Citibank, and you're making $4 million a year, and you've got three kids in Bedford and two are in boarding school and one's starting at Wesleyan next year. And you need this job, honestly, and your whole sector's collapsing and you know that.

On Left, a Disincentive to Tell Truth

There is no incentive whatsoever for you to tell the truth about anything. You just go into the little reeducation meetings and you're like, "Yeah, diversity is our strength. That's exactly right. We need equity in the capital markets." OK. All right.

So, if you're the one guy who refuses to say that, you are a hero, in my opinion. And I know some of them. In fact, my job is to interview them. And I sit back, and I look at these people, and I give them more credit than I do people who display physical courage, which is often impulsive by the way.

And I'm not denigrating physical courage, which I deeply admire, but you interview people who do amazing things, who rush into the proverbial burning building. And every man is trained from birth to fantasize about what he would do when the building catches fire, and you hear a baby crying. You run inside.

No one is trained to stand up in the middle of a [diversity, equity, and inclusion] meeting at Citibank and say, "This is nonsense." And the people who do that, oh, they have my deepest admiration.

And so, their example really gives me hope. It thrills me. I talk to them all day long, people like that. That's the first thing.

We should, in this sad moment of profound and widespread destruction of the institutions, that people who share our views built, by the way—earlier generations that would agree substantially with every person in this room, they built those, and now they're being destroyed.

And oh, that's so depressing. But we can also see rising in the distance, new things, new institutions led by new people who are every bit as brave as the people who came before us. Amen.

'Reassess Terms We Use'

Here's the second thing I'd like to say before I get to the conversation with Dr. Roberts, which is that it might be time to start to reassess the terms we use to describe what we're watching.

So, when I started at Heritage, the presumption was, and this is a very Anglo-American assumption, that the debates we're having are rational debates about the way to get to mutually agreed-upon outcomes.

So, we all want the country to be more prosperous and free, and people to be less oppressed or whatever. And so, we're going to argue about tax rates. And I think higher tax gets us there. I'm a Keynesian and you disagree, you're an Austrian or whatever, but the objective is the same.

And so, we write our papers, and they write their papers, and may the best papers win.

I don't think that's what we're watching now at all. I don't think we're watching a debate over how to get to the best outcome. I think that's completely wrong.

And I should say at the outset, I'm an Episcopalian, so don't take any theological advice from me because I don't have any. I grew up in the shallowest faith tradition that's ever been invented. It's not even a Christian religion at this point, I say with shame. But I'm just saying this as an observer of what's going on. There is no way to assess, say, the transgender movement with that mind-set.

Policy papers don't account for it at all. If you have people who are saying, "I have an idea. Let's castrate the next generation. Let's sexually mutilate children." I'm sorry, that's not a political debate. What? That's nothing to do with politics. What's the outcome we're desiring here? An androgynous population? Are we arguing for that? I don't think anyone could defend that as a positive outcome, but the weight of the government and a lot of corporate interests are behind that.

Well, what is that? Well, it's irrational. If you say, "Well, I think abortion is always bad. Well, I think sometimes it's necessary."

Abortion, Transgenderism as 'Child Sacrifice'

That's a debate I'm familiar with. But if you're telling me that abortion is a positive good, what are you saying? Well, you're arguing for child sacrifice, obviously. It's not about, oh, a teen girl gets pregnant, and what do we do about that and victims of rape. I get it. Of course, I understand that, and I have compassion for everyone involved.

But when the Treasury secretary stands up and says, "You know what you can do to help the economy? Get an abortion." Well, that's like an Aztec principle, actually. There's not a society in history that didn't practice human sacrifice. Not one. I checked. Even the Scandinavians, I'm ashamed to say. It wasn't just the Meso-Americans, it was everybody. So that's what that is.

Well, what's the point of child sacrifice? Well, there's no policy goal entwined with that. No, that's a theological phenomenon.

And that's kind of the point I'm making. None of this makes sense in conventional political terms. When people, or crowds of people, or the largest crowd of people at all, which is the federal government, the largest human organization in human history decide that the goal is to destroy things, destruction for its own sake, "Hey, let's tear it down," what you're watching is not a political movement. It's evil.

So, if you want to assess, and I'll put it in non ... And I'll stop with this. I'll put it in nonpolitical or rather non-specific theological terms, and just say, if you want to know what's evil and what's good, what are the characteristics of those?

And by the way, I think the Athenians would've agreed with this. This is not necessarily just a Christian notion, this is kind of a, I would say, widely agreed-upon understanding of good and evil. What are its products? What do these two conditions produce?

Well, I mean, good is characterized by order, calmness, tranquility, peace, whatever you want to call it, lack of conflict, cleanliness. Cleanliness is next to godliness. It's true. It is.

And evil is characterized by their opposites. Violence, hate, disorder, division, disorganization, and filth. So, if you are all in on the things that produce the latter basket of outcomes, what you're really advocating for is evil. That's just true. I'm not calling for religious war. Far from it. I'm merely calling for an acknowledgement of what we're watching, which is not one ...

And I'm certainly not backing the Republican Party. I mean, ugh. I'm not making a partisan point at all. I'm just noting what's super-obvious. Those of us who were in our mid-50s are caught in the past in the way that we think about this. One side's like, "No, no, I've got this idea, and we've got this idea, and let's have a debate about our ideas."

They don't want a debate. Those ideas won't produce outcomes that any rational person would want under any circumstances. Those are manifestations of some larger force acting upon us. It's just so obvious. It's completely obvious.

And I think two things: One, we should say that and stop engaging in these totally fraudulent debates, where we are using the terms that we used in 1991 when I started at [The Heritage Foundation], as if maybe I could just win the debate if I marshaled more facts.

I've tried. That doesn't work. And two, maybe we should all take just 10 minutes a day to say a prayer about it. I'm serious. Why not?

And I'm saying that to you not as some kind of evangelist, I'm literally saying that to you as an Episcopalian, the Samaritans of our time. I'm coming to you from the most humble and lowly theological position you can. I'm literally an Episcopalian. And even I have concluded it might be worth taking just 10 minutes out of your busy schedule to say a prayer for the future, and I hope you will... Subscribe for free to Breaking Christian News here

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